Known by his stage name Olu Onagoruwa, Gabriel Olusoga Onagoruwa, GCON SAN (1936–2017) was a Nigerian jurist and human rights campaigner who held the positions of Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice during Sani Abacha’s military junta in 1994–1995. Before Abacha severed their brotherly ties, Gani Fawehinmi was very close to Olusoga Onagoruwa. They were like siamese twins for years, best buddies. In actuality, Gani Fawehinmi named Dr. Olu Onagoruwa, a friend of his bossom, as the executor of his first will. Gani represented Dr. Onagoruwa in every case he had, and vice versa.
In 1993, General Sani Abacha took over as Head of State.
Gani objected to Abacha’s appointment of Onagoruwa as Attorney General and Minister of Justice. He forewarned his pal that he might regret accepting. However, Lt-General Oladipo Diya, Abacha’s deputy and a relative from Odogbolu, convinced Onagoruwa to accept the assignment and ignore Gani. When Onagoruwa did, his friendship with Gani was shattered.
After Abacha left, Gani removed him from his position as the administrator of his will, and they stopped communicating until Onagoruwa’s son was killed by Abacha hitmen. He suffered a stroke as a result of the terrible circumstances surrounding his son’s death. Setting aside their disagreements, Gani went to his residence to offer him condolences.
Onagoruwa penned a book titled “A Rebel in General Abacha’s Government” following Abacha’s passing. Some passages from his book “General Abacha was not pleased that I was leaving his administration. He thought I was conceited and intrusive. I began to receive news that I was under threat and needed to exercise extreme caution. Above all, I was positive that I had not offended him in any kind. He looked into my account at the Justice Ministry, but he was unable to uncover any evidence against me.
Since I was clear before him both personally and officially, what further offenses might he be searching for? My government pals informed me that he had promised them I would experience some agony that I would never forget. He was the government, after all, and I began to say goodbye to my wife at a period of several mysterious deaths, including those of Chief Alfred Rewane, Mrs. Suliat Adedeji, Admiral Olu Omotehinwa, and Admiral Tunde Elegbede. We should keep praying, my wife would reassure me. We had no idea that in 1995, when Oluwatoyin became a trained lawyer, he would turn against us.
We were pretty close to Toyin. He was clearly happy and nice; he was a loving youngster. Victor, an Igbo boy, was one of his friends. The youngster looked like he belonged in our family because they were so close. I was forced to pay the boy’s school tuition when he was unable to. My spouse and I pretended to be his parents on the day of his wedding. We don’t know how the youngster entered the State Security Service (SSS) camp, and these agents took advantage of him. He provided police with information about Toyin’s evening movements, specifically to his fiancée’s residence, along with the address.
The daughter of Prof. & Mrs. Abiola Ojo was Toyin’s fiancée.
Victor was a particularly helpful target because he was always obtaining cash from the SSS lads. So, he made himself easily available when the Onagoruwas were mentioned. Even though it was extremely small, his part in Toyin’s murder was quite impactful. Victor called us one day when they were going to seize Toyin, and we received the call right after Toyin was attacked. We disregarded the entire situation and never associated him with this depravity. But when Victor called the day, they killed Toyin, he was informed that someone had restrained Toyin outside. Then he instructed them to contact my number. He disconnected before I could reach the phone.
The attackers were shooting Toyin after hauling him away at this very moment. I had been awakened from a deep slumber and had no idea what was going on. Victor called the hospital after we got Toyin there, and he informed them he wouldn’t be coming right away since his car was having trouble. Victor was not seen by us until a few days later. We then learned that Victor provided the group of SSS lads with all the information they required regarding “Toyin,” including the location and identity of his fiancée and the fact that he had recently graduated from law school.
For this reason, on that fateful night, they went to the fiancée’s residence to hunt for him.
He was unaware that they were searching for him when they discovered him there. Actually, he was cautioning his father-in-law to use extreme caution that evening. December 18, 1996, was the day the killers struck. Toyin was detained incommunicado as he rode into the complex. As usual, our own security guy had left the entrance unlocked and fled, leaving Toyin in the hands of these assassins who were stationed inside the compound. It wasn’t until they were done operating that they woke me awake. Toyin got into a heated argument with them when they led him outside onto the main street. After shooting him in the back, they ran away.
Toyin was shot and on the verge of death by the time I woke up. I could not bear his death.
Was I imagining this?
Toyin was slain by who?
What went wrong for him?
Our mouths were full of questions.
We made no connection at all between this and the government. Why would the government take this action? Why? The Head of State sent me a letter shortly after this unfortunate incident, offering his deepest sympathies. He gave me his word that the offenders would be taken into custody and prosecuted since crimes of this nature shouldn’t happen in our nation.
He dispatched two delegates to me, one headed by General Oladipo Diya, his deputy, and the other by Chief Michael Agbamuche, my successor as Attorney General and Minister of Justice. Everyone conveyed to me and my family the President of State’s best wishes. I seized the letter addressed to me and reassured myself that this heinous deed could not come from a Head of State whose letter attested to my dedicated service. During the heinous night of Toyin’s murder, a few astute men in my family had discovered and recorded the car’s number that the killers had used. They hired a sketch artist to draw the attackers’ features.
I responded to the sympathy letter from the Head of State on February 3, 1997. I expressed regret for the wait in my response to his letter. I informed him of the crushing impact Toyin’s death had on the rest of the family, and we expressed our gratitude for his generosity, warmth, and talent. We told him it was heartening and encouraging that he had promised to find the people who had committed the horrible atrocity.
We then informed the Head of State that we had provided the police with some important information, including the specifics of the vehicle that was used in the murder. I provided the details to the Head of State. The Mercedes Benz 230E was a white vehicle with a registration plate number on it. ” Lagos BB-844-SMK“ This is a typical figure. Additionally, the car on the right has a Deutschmark sticker on the rear of it. I also told the Head of State that the authorities told the police that the license plate Lagos BB-844-SMK belonged to a Honda driven by a Colonel in the Nigerian Army when they went to Shomolu Local Government, where the vehicle was registered. Our last known information said that the car was spotted traveling to Abuja.
In spite of this letter and the information provided, Abacha did not respond. General Abacha gave the command to conceal these two cars—the Mercedes and the Honda—at the Aso Rock Villa in the interim.
Colonel Laoye, who is currently a Brigadier-General, was the owner of these cars.
This was revealed while the Oputa Panel was in session. Colonel Laoye arrived with the Honda vehicle, and we instructed the Oputa Panel to order its seizure and for the police to go with their duties with diligence. However, the panel declined without providing any justification. Therefore, barring God’s interest in their discovery, the car and everyone connected to Toyin’s murder have vanished forever.
After serving as Abacha’s Chief of Defense Staff, General Abdulsalami Abubakar succeeded him when Abacha passed away in Abuja on June 8, 1998.In a letter titled “Sanni Abacha Killed My Son, Oluwatoyin Onagoruwa” (1), I asked him to look into Toyin’s death. I told the General the entire tale of Toyin’s murder in the letter.
I informed him that the police had not yet presented any evidence, but that we had provided the police with the car’s license plate number, the names and photos of the murder suspects, and the car’s number on our own. I informed him about Brigadier-General Laoye, who drove a Mercedes Benz with the same license plate as his Honda.
We brought up the police’s incapacity to look into the Colonel’s activities with General Abubakar.
We informed General Abubakar Abdulsalami that the Colonel needed to answer to the following questions from the police: How did his Honda car’s license plate get up on the murder vehicle, and why was the Honda number switched to the murder vehicle? In addition, I asked him to question Major Harnza Al-Mustapha, the Chief Security Officer, and Alhaji Ismaila Gwarzo, the Chief Security Adviser, since they oversaw Abacha’s murderous security detail. What offense did I commit against Abacha? Abacha put out three claims.
First, he said that my departure was so haughty that it had embarrassed his government, which he found excessively conceited. Secondly, I made it clear to him throughout our conversation that it was improper for him to succeed himself by self-succession. Third, I freed Mr. Turner Ogboru—the brother of a coup conspirator—without getting his consent while continuing to insist that I was not betraying him.
Regarding the first, I had already threatened to quit their government if they broke any of the core principles we had agreed upon, together with the other senior military officers. This implied that they would follow the letter and spirit of the law. They should not have broken the gentleman’s agreement, but they did. The self-succession bid was a flagrant breach of our Constitution’s fundamental principles, which is why I was against it. Turner Ogboru was released by me on the third ground since the court had mandated his release and nothing on earth could stop it. Not to mankind, but to the court was my obedience. When the court’s ruling was made, Mr. Alex Ibru, the then-internal affairs minister, had asked for my view. I had informed him in writing that he had no alternative but to follow the court’s order.
Mr Alex Ibru subsequently paid a heavy price for this when they were shot by one of Abacha’s demonic emissaries from the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI). For my part, I paid with my son Oluwatoyin’s life. But Abdulsalami never did as I begged him to. That is why I wrote to General Abdulsalami: I genuinely believed he was a better man than Abacha. But he never had time me because he was preoccupied with his own issues. Following his election, President Obasanjo established the Oputa Panel. I informed Justice Oputa in writing of my son’s death and the involvement of government agents. Although the killers’ identities were on display, the outcome has not yet been made public.
I’ve displayed the attackers’ photos so that the general public can make their own judgment. Sergeant Rogers remains in the country, even though this other man fled. I’ve come to the opinion that Sergeant Rogers looks remarkably similar in the sketches. I requested that the panel contact Mr. Rogers, but for whatever reason, it did not do so.
To give General Abacha the rest he will never have, Toyin was one of those slain. The passing of Olu Onagoruwa in 2017. Until his last moments, the guy who killed his son remained unpunished, a subject that many families of assassination victims have been left to ponder. When assassinations have happened in Nigeria’s past, no one has ever been prosecuted.
